JZ's Letter as President

LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT (TRANSLATED)
http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2008/text/at02.txt


The voice of the ANC must be heard
(because we've lost some control of the SABC)

When this journal was first published seven years ago, in January 2001, we (I) said
that it would make an important contribution towards filling a void in South
Africa's media landscape; a landscape in which the voices of the majority of our
people (me) remain largely unheard (thank god).

As we noted at the Polokwane conference in December, this situation has not
changed much in the intervening period (2+2=5).

What we said in the launch edition of ANC Today remains true today: "We are
faced with the virtually unique situation that, among the democracies, the
overwhelmingly dominant tendency in South African politics, represented by the
ANC, has no representation whatsoever in the mass media (because Thabo has stolen the SABC from me!).

"We therefore have to contend with the situation that what masquerades as
'public opinion' (bullshit propaganda), as reflected in the bulk of our media (more propaganda), is in fact minority
opinion informed by the historic social and political position occupied by this
minority." (don't ask me to explain this shit, I like most South Africans don't hold a matric)

There are many examples we can cite to illustrate this point (like Zapiro, that little bastard). Every day brings
fresh instances of a media that, in general terms, is politically and
ideologically out of synch with the society in which it exists (it's not under my control - yet).

This phenomenon is most starkly illustrated at those moments in our political
cycle when the people of South Africa get an opportunity to elect parties and
individuals they want to represent them in government (I am so loved... and I need to wear a condom).

In both the 2004 national and provincial elections and the 2006 local elections,
the views of voters were shown to be sharply at odds with the 'views' emanating
from most media (that we, the ANC would not win?).

To an uninformed reader, listener or viewer, following media coverage in the
months and weeks leading up to these elections, it would have appeared patently
obvious that the leading party in government, the ANC, was heading for a hiding (in which dimension).
Though unlikely to be defeated (ever), most media commentators concurred, the ANC would
see its support drop significantly in the face of an electorate that had become
disenchanted (with luxury cars). We were told that only the ANC's "struggle credentials" and the
lack of a credible opposition would save it from outright defeat at the polls (a.k.a. racial voting).
The election results proved these reports wrong. In both 2004 and 2006, not only
did the ANC's share of the vote increase, but also the actual numbers of people
who voted for the organisation increased. Voters did not desert the ANC, and
instead gave it a stunning 70% mandate (to write a blank check on every corruption capacity available)!

The outcome of the 52nd national conference in Polokwane is a most recent
example of the media yet again becoming a victim of its own propaganda and
manipulation (they should know, I'm really a genius, and if I say 2+2=5 it does). Some are correctly asking themselves: "how did we get it so
wrong?", while others now use every opportunity to "prove" that there is
something that was seriously wrong with ANC delegates at Polokwane (2+2). Granted
there are some journalists who report fairly and leave it to the readers to make
their own judgements about issues and individuals, without pushing certain
agendas. We must acknowledge and applaud their professionalism (and lack of integrity about seeing future dictators).

These are not merely examples of faulty analysis of public opinion surveys, or a
simple misreading of the mood. They indicate a general trend within most
mainstream media institutions to adopt positions, cloaked as sober and impartial
observation, that are antagonistic to the democratic movement and its agenda for
fundamental social, political and economic transformation (waffle...).

To understand why this is the case, we need to consider the role of the media in
society in general and the specific circumstances of the media in South Africa,
both past and present (who gives a fuck?).

In a discussion document entitled 'Transformation of the media', circulated as
part of preparations for the ANC National Policy Conference in June last year,
we said:

"The reality is that the media - in South Africa as in every other society -is a
major arena in the battle of ideas. All social forces are therefore engaged, to
varying degrees and with differing success, in efforts to ensure that the media
advances their ideological, political, social, economic and cultural objectives (propaganda, not debate).

"Throughout its history the ANC has engaged in the battle of ideas,
understanding that the achievement of its objectives of a united, non-racial,
non-sexist and democratic South Africa is dependent on its capacity to convince (make them believe)
the people of the correctness of its positions, policies and programmes.

"The media is consequently one of the sites of ideological struggle with which
the ANC - like other social actors - has sought to engage (by controlling)."

Contrary to what some may claim, the media is not simply a product of the work
of disinterested observers - professionals who are able to detach themselves
from their personal views, interests, prejudices and social position and present
the world as it objectively is (they say I'm an unprotected nut).

It is instead a product of the various political, social, economic and cultural
forces that exist within a society. It is a battle of ideas, and, as such, the
media is part of the battle for power. Those with power, particularly economic
power, are keen that the media serves to reinforce their privileged position,
while those who seek a more equitable distribution of resources campaign for a
media that serves the cause of a more equitable society.

The media, viewed in its totality, should be as diverse as the society which it
serves and reflects. This is clearly not the case in South Africa today. At
times, the media functions as if they are an opposition party.

In part, this can be explained by the structure, culture and values of the media
inherited from apartheid, and by the commercial forces that drive most media
institutions.

As we observed in the discussion document cited above:

"The freedom of the South African media is today undermined not by the state,
but by various tendencies that arise from the commercial imperatives that drive
the media. "The concentration of ownership, particularly in the print sector,
has a particularly restrictive effect on the freedom of the media. The process
of consolidation and the drive to cut costs through, among other things,
rationalisation of newsgathering operations, leads to homogenisation of content.

"Despite protestations to the contrary, there are an increasing number of
instances where the supposedly-sacred separation between management and the
newsroom is breached, where commercial considerations influence editorial
content.

"This takes place in a media market in which there is fierce competition for a
slice of the upper income market, where the most advertising revenue is to be
found. Given that this end of the market represents very particular class
interests (and is predominantly white) it stands to reason that media
institutions will tend to reflect the preoccupations, values and world view of
this small group of society. Even where management may adopt a hands-off
approach to editorial matters, they would certainly step in to prevent their
title from adopting an editorial stance that may antagonise their target market
or alienate advertisers. Dedicated professionals that they may be, most editors
still need to keep an eye on the bottom line."

This is one of the reasons why, though there may be plenty of newspapers and
magazines on our news stands, and a multitude of radio and TV stations occupying
our airwaves, the overall orientation of South African media is politically
conservative. There are few, if any, mainstream media outlets that articulate a
progressive left perspective - which is endorsed at each election by the
majority of South Africans and represented by the ANC, its allies and the
broader democratic movement.

It was to answer this deficiency that the 52nd National Conference called for
the movement to develop its own media platforms, making use of available
technology, to articulate its positions and perspectives directly to the people.
This needs to take place alongside the effort to transform the South African
media environment so that it becomes more representative of the diversity of
views and interests in society, more accessible to the majority of the people,
and less beholden to commercial interests.

During the course of the next five years, as has been mandated by Conference, we
will pursue the development of these media platforms. We will also continue to
develop ANC Today as a credible, popular and vibrant expression of the views and
perspectives of the African National Congress. The journal will remain at the
heart of the ANC's contribution to the battle of ideas.

Over the next few weeks and months, readers should expect to see a number of
changes in ANC Today, all intended to improve the relevance (of the propaganda), vibrancy and impact
of this weekly read.

The Letter from the President will now be published on special occasions only (because my head gets tired),
dealing with important themes and events during the course of the year. The
intention is to open up the journal to a diversity of voices, articulating ANC
positions. In this regard, there will be weekly contributions from ANC Officials
and NEC members.

As we introduce these changes, we will continue to encourage and value the
feedback we receive from readers, better to ensure that the voice of the ANC is
heard (you'll be able to see how we plan to destroy everything achieved since 1994).

ANC Today will be an authoritative online voice of the African National Congress
and a platform for the accurate expression of the policies and views of our
movement (instead of the SABC). We trust that the diversity of contributors will encourage more
debate, and promote better understanding of the movement and its programmes and
activities.

Jacob G Zuma